The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative is changing life forever in less developed countries throughout the world. Will it trap countries in overwhelming debt, or allow them to participate in globalized trade with modern amenities? How will this massive project impact on California business?
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A panel of experts will discuss the ongoing human rights crisis in Xinjiang and the challenges faced by the Uyghur people through the lenses of history, international relations, and social justice advocacy.
In 2015, as part of a program to reform China’s state-owned enterprises (SOEs), Guiding Opinions were issued requiring SOEs to amend their corporate charters to formalize and elevate the leadership role of the Chinese Communist Party in their corporate governance. We examine the patterns of “party-building” (dangjian) adoptions in the four-year period from 2015-18. Consistent with prior theoretical predictions, not all SOEs abided by the Guiding Opinions, suggesting the limits of political conformity among Chinese firms. Also consistent with prior theoretical predictions, although privately owned enterprises (POEs) were not subject to the Guiding Opinions, a significant number of POEs, particularly large firms, also amended their charters.
The model provisions on the party’s role in corporate governance circulated pursuant to the Guiding Opinions can be divided into three groups: symbolic, decision-oriented and personnel-oriented. We find wide variation in the pattern of adoptions. SOEs have not uniformly adopted the entire panoply of recommended provisions, further indicating the limits of political conformity in the state sector. SOEs that cross-list on Hong Kong Stock Exchange, in particular, adopt less politically intrusive provisions than others. POEs are far more likely to adopt symbolic provisions than decision-oriented and personnel-oriented provisions, suggesting that the amendments are undertaken to signal fealty to the party without changing substantive corporate governance practices. We conclude by exploring a number of far-reaching implications for Chinese corporate governance raised by the party-building campaign and the wide variety of responses to it by Chinese firms of all ownership types.
Written by: Yu-Hsin Lin, School of Law, City University of Hong Kong and Curtis J. Milhaupt, Stanford Law School
Chang Dai-chien is one of the most acclaimed Chinese artists of the 20th century. To mark the 120th anniversary of his birth and 47 years since his previous solo show at the museum, we are inaugurating the newly renovated Chinese painting gallery with Chang Dai-chien: Painting from Heart to Hand. Comprising works donated to the museum by the artist, as well as loans from his friends and family, the exhibition spotlights Chang’s groundbreaking modernization of ink painting.
1:00-1:30 Kirie Stromberg 益田雾繪 (UCLA 加州大學洛杉磯分校): Beyond Form:
Preliminary Thoughts on Music and Visual Abstraction in Early China 早期中國的音樂與視覺抽象化表达
1:40-2:20 Gao Jiangtao 高江涛 (CASS 中國社會科學院考古研究所):Comprehensive Analysis of Musical relics Unearthed from Taosi Site 鼍鼓逢逢：陶寺遗址出土乐器综析
2:30-3:00 Zhang Wenjie 張聞捷 (Xiamen University 厦门大學) New Thinking on the Chime Bells of Wangsun Gao 對王孫誥編鐘的一些新思考
3:10-3:40 Li Guangming 李光明 (UCLA 加州大學洛杉磯分校) The Tonal Structure of the Yajiang Chimes: On the Missing Shang Note in Western Zhou Music and Guanzi Tonal Theory 从亚弜编铙音列结构看周乐戒商及管子生律法之由来
3:50-4:20 Zhu Guowei 朱國偉 (China University of Mining and Technology 中國礦業大學）A review on experimental music archaeology and its prospect in China 實驗音樂考古研究綜述及其在中國的研究展望
4:30-5:00 Lee Mei-Yen 李美燕 (National Pingtung University 國立屏東大學) Western
Cultural Origin of Musical Instruments Found on the Musical Icons in Yungang Grottoes 雲岡石窟音樂圖像中的西方源流
“Nannü pingdeng” (gender equality) was one of the key principles of the Chinese Communist Party’s platform before and during the Mao era. Widely celebrated in political campaigns and social policies alike, it has acquired a status in the historiography of modern and contemporary China as one of the pillars of the revolutionary programme of social transformation undertaken by the CCP. Scholarly research has long demonstrated that the promise of gender equality was only ever partially realized after 1949, yet the assumption has been that even if limited in its social implementation, the term “gender equality” signified an emancipatory aspiration shared by all. Based on long-term archival and ethnographic research in a deprived neighbourhood in central Beijing, now facing its last stages of demolition and gentrification, this talk argues that far from being shared by all, “gender equality” barely featured amongst the capital’s subalterns as a significant term in memories of everyday life during and since the Mao era. At the same time, in contrast with their mothers and grandmothers, women who grew up under Mao’s banner had access to opportunities for education and employment, limited though they were, and claimed recognition for their determination to keep their families going through long decades of scarcity and hardship. Drawing on Butler’s and Mahmoud’s arguments, this paper analyses the apparent paradox of women’s independence in income generating activities and their attachment to deeply embedded and apparently conservative ideas about women’s gender roles and relationships. Why is it that the key slogan and policy of nannü pingdeng seems to have completely passed them by? What do we understand by change and by agency?